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<title>Institute of African Studies</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/87</link>
<description/>
<pubDate>Thu, 09 Apr 2026 02:10:43 GMT</pubDate>
<dc:date>2026-04-09T02:10:43Z</dc:date>
<item>
<title>DELTA STATE DIASPORA AND THE RAMIFICATIONS OF ETHNIC AMBIVALENCE FOR HOMELAND DEVELOPMENT</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2348</link>
<description>DELTA STATE DIASPORA AND THE RAMIFICATIONS OF ETHNIC AMBIVALENCE FOR HOMELAND DEVELOPMENT
ESHALOMI, Henrietta Omo
Diaspora’s reputation as an agent of homeland development through remittances has gained&#13;
unprecedented traction since the turn of the 21st century. The African Union’s declaration of&#13;
the diaspora as Africa’s sixth region underscores this assumption, just as the mobilization of&#13;
formal and informal activities around the value of the Nigerian diaspora testifies to the&#13;
prominence the country accords its diaspora for development. While scholars have continued&#13;
to investigate the developmental role of the Nigerian diaspora, little has been done to&#13;
investigate the disproportion in the diaspora interface with the Nigerian homeland states.&#13;
This study, therefore, examined the phenomenon of ethnic ambivalence among Delta State&#13;
diaspora and how the attitude has hindered development in the homeland.&#13;
Lucy Tse’s “Ethnic Ambivalence” was adopted as the framework to foreground the study,&#13;
while the ethnographic design was used for data collection. Primary data were collected&#13;
from three locations: London, Lagos, and Delta State. The locations represent foreign&#13;
diaspora, local diaspora, and homeland, respectively. In-depth interviews were conducted&#13;
with 40 purposively selected respondents in both locations of the diaspora in London and&#13;
Lagos. The snowball technique was employed to select five respondents of each ethnic&#13;
group—(Ijaw, Isoko, Itsekiri, and Urhobo)—excluding the Igbo-speaking group whose&#13;
diaspora interfaces with their homeland. Key informant interviews were conducted with four&#13;
respondents from each ethnic group who had an understanding of their ethnic ambivalence&#13;
dynamics. Four sessions of focus group discussion, comprising eight discussants each with&#13;
each ethnic group, were held in the homeland in Delta State. Non–participant observation&#13;
and field tours of some communities in the state were carried out. Relevant literature made&#13;
up the secondary data. Data were categorised and thematically analysed.&#13;
The major causes of ethnic ambivalence by Delta State diaspora identified were&#13;
multiculturalism, interethnic marriage, ethnic minority status, environmental degradation,&#13;
corruption and bad governance, insecurity, poor homeland infrastructure, fear of witchcraft,&#13;
perceived cultural incivility, distrust, poor value system, deve (illegal fee) collection,&#13;
interethnic friction, and home-based overwhelming demands. While under-development,&#13;
value system distrust, and bad governance dominated the narratives of foreign diaspora, local&#13;
diaspora dwelt heavily on witchcraft, lack of love, and disunity as factors precipitating their&#13;
ambivalence. As for the home-based, the diaspora's exhibition of arrogance and overbearing&#13;
attitudes account for the strain in relations. For all three locations, multiculturalism, ethnic&#13;
minority status, interethnic marriage, deve, insecurity, and environmental degradation were&#13;
causes of ethnic ambivalence that undermined the diaspora's agency as homeland developers.&#13;
While the Urhobo and Isoko diaspora blamed their ethnic ambivalence on the supposed lack&#13;
of love and disunity by fellow kinsmen, city life heavily influenced the Itsekiri diaspora. The&#13;
Ijaw attributed their ethnic ambivalence to environmental pollution and perceived cultural&#13;
incivility.&#13;
Delta State diaspora has enormous potential and resources to be one of the prominent&#13;
homeland developers in Nigeria. Nevertheless, the diaspora, government, and the homebased&#13;
need to be flexible, strategic, more accommodating, sincere, and focused in their relationship&#13;
with one another and the homeland for the ultimate realisation of development in the state.
</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 01 Jan 2022 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2348</guid>
<dc:date>2022-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>DYNAMICS OF NTA FESTIVAL PERFORMANCE AMONG IRETE PEOPLE OF SOUTHEAST NIGERIA</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2346</link>
<description>DYNAMICS OF NTA FESTIVAL PERFORMANCE AMONG IRETE PEOPLE OF SOUTHEAST NIGERIA
ONUOHA, Louisa Nnenna
African festivals are often reconstructed in order not to lose them completely. Nta&#13;
hunting festival has undergone such reconstruction. Although existing studies have&#13;
mainly focused on the religious and cultural values of the performance, the contemporary&#13;
and cultural reconstruction have not been thoroughly explored. This study, therefore,&#13;
examined the reconstruction of Nta festival and its impact on both the festival and the&#13;
people of Irete in Nigeria.&#13;
Richard Schechner’s Theory of Performance was adopted as the framework. The study&#13;
utilised the qualitative method involving ethnographic and descriptive designs. Primary&#13;
data were collected through participant observation and 23 Key Informant Interviews&#13;
conducted with purposively selected participants, including the autonomous king of Irete&#13;
(Eze), 10 traditional title holders, the Onye Ishi Ala (Chief Priest of Irete) and 11&#13;
members of the Eze cabinet. Twenty In-depth Interviews were conducted with eight&#13;
council members drawn from Ndi Eze, Ndi Oki, Irete Hunters Union and Ndi Oha; seven&#13;
notable stakeholders in the cultural reformation of Nta festival; and five government&#13;
officials. Four Focus Group Discussions were conducted, one each with the Umunweju&#13;
Family meeting (Lagos Branch), the youth wing of Irete Community Development&#13;
Union, Irete Hunters Union and Irete Christian Fathers Association. Data were content&#13;
analysed using descriptive and narrative styles.&#13;
Christianity, Western education and modernity aided the decline in participation in Nta&#13;
festival as it is regarded as unchristian. The festival has therefore been reconstructed to&#13;
improve participation, leading to two forms of performance: the traditional Nta festival&#13;
celebrated by adherents of Igbo traditional religion and the reconstructed Nta festival&#13;
celebrated by the Eze Agubiam and his cabinet members. This also accommodates other&#13;
Irete people who are Christians and would not like to participate in the traditional&#13;
festival. The traditional Nta festival remains as handed down by the Irete forbears and is&#13;
being practised by the Onye Ishi Ala, members of the Oha cult (Ala priests) and&#13;
interested Irete indigenes. This form starts with the Onye Ishi Ala’s visit to Nkolo forest&#13;
where he offers sacrifices to the ancestors on behalf of the community. In the&#13;
reconstructed Nta festival, the Eze, members of his cabinet and other stakeholders add a&#13;
“Christian touch” to the celebration of Nta. The performance takes place at the Eze’s&#13;
palace and begins with the blessings of the Reverend Father. All sacrifices to the gods are&#13;
cancelled and replaced with prayers to the Christian God, making the festival of lesser&#13;
traditional sacrality. The reduction in traditional sacrality highlights the tension between&#13;
indigeneity and modernity as occasioned by religion and culture. Due to the&#13;
reconstruction of the performance, more people now participate in Nta festival.&#13;
The reconstructed Nta festival produces a unique Igbo hybrid festival that represents a&#13;
new model of religious and cultural expression in contemporary Igbo Irete, thereby&#13;
protecting the festival from extinction and improving Irete community relations.
</description>
<pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2022 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2346</guid>
<dc:date>2022-12-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>i ENFORCEMENT OF FEMALE CUSTOMARY RIGHTS TO INHERITANCE OF REAL PROPERTY IN OWERRI WEST LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA, IMO STATE, NIGERIA</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2344</link>
<description>i ENFORCEMENT OF FEMALE CUSTOMARY RIGHTS TO INHERITANCE OF REAL PROPERTY IN OWERRI WEST LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA, IMO STATE, NIGERIA
NWAECHEFU, HILARY
The denial of females or widows’ right to inheritance of real property on the intestacy of a&#13;
father or a husband in Imo state has been a matter of debates and litigations. Notwithstanding&#13;
the Supreme Court decision in Ukeje v. Ukeje (2014) and also the 1999 Constitution of&#13;
Nigeria prohibiting discrimination, female disinheritance of real property has persisted.&#13;
Existing studies were limited to the explanation of the discrimination, but none dealt with the&#13;
ways of enforcing the Supreme Court judgment in Ukeje v. Ukeje. This study, was therefore,&#13;
designed to study the mode of implementation of the Supreme Court judgment in Ukeje v.&#13;
Ukeje on inheritance of real property in Owerri West Local Government of Imo State, Nigeria.&#13;
Rhode’s Crisis in Masculinity and Feminist Critical theories were conceptual framework,&#13;
while the ethnographic design was adopted. Respondents were purposively drawn from five&#13;
communities across Owerri West Local Government of Imo state namely, Ohii, Amakohia-&#13;
Ubi, Irete, Ihiagwa and Ndegwu out of 16 communities as they all share the same cultures.&#13;
Qualitative methodology was adopted for data collection. Twenty-four respondents were&#13;
selected. In-depth interviews were conducted with 3 traditional rulers, one each from Ohii,&#13;
Ndegwu and Amakohia-Ubi. Key informant interviews were conducted with 11 community&#13;
leaders: Ndegwu (2), Ohii (6) and Amakohia-Ubi (3). One Focus Group Discussion was also&#13;
conducted with ten family heads. Data were content-analysed.&#13;
Ignorance, lack of awareness among the females, and the dominance of male ego in Owerri&#13;
West Local Government made compliance with the Supreme Court judgment in Ukeje v.&#13;
Ukeje difficult. Removing discrimination against females in the inheritance of real property&#13;
was perceived by the males as an imposition of foreign culture on them. The decision in Ukeje&#13;
v. Ukeje was perceived a threat to masculine superior status and as a way of giving women&#13;
advantage over men. The males were also worried that the females would permanently&#13;
dispossess family members of the intestate if the decision is enforced in the communities.&#13;
Men also perceived the decision in Ukeje v. Ukeje as a means of weaponising the Nigerian&#13;
Constitution to impose the customs of the Yoruba and the Hausa on Igbo people. However,&#13;
traditional rulers and community leaders observed that persuasion was required to make the&#13;
people comply with the judgment.&#13;
Despite the decision in Ukeje v. Ukeje, there is still a strong cultural resistance to its&#13;
enforcement. In making executive restatement of the case law, there is a need to involve&#13;
traditional rulers and Chairmen of town unions in the enforcement process. The ministries of&#13;
Information and Women Affairs should enlighten people on the inheritance rights of women&#13;
while also enlisting the support of religious institutions.
</description>
<pubDate>Sat, 01 Jan 2022 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2344</guid>
<dc:date>2022-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>MUSICAL MOTIFS IN THE DRAMATIC WORKS OF WỌ LÉ SÓYÍNKÁ AND FẸ́MI Ọ̀SỌ́FISAN</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2329</link>
<description>MUSICAL MOTIFS IN THE DRAMATIC WORKS OF WỌ LÉ SÓYÍNKÁ AND FẸ́MI Ọ̀SỌ́FISAN
ÒGÚNSÀNYÀ, ADÉOLÚ OLÓWÓFẸ LÁ
Wọ lé Ṣóyínká and Fẹ́mi Ọ̀ṣọ́fisan are two world-class dramatists whose works are&#13;
creative inventions depicting a wide range of human experiences before an audience.&#13;
Musical motifs are derived both from the internal structures of composition and the&#13;
human-environment dialectic. Existing studies have dealt with how music serves as a&#13;
bridge or an alternative form of expression in the dramatic works of Ṣóyínká and Ọ̀&#13;
ṣọ́ fisan. However, there is a dearth of scholarship on how musical motifs are used as&#13;
dramaturgical aid to enhance the cultural philosophy adopted by the playwrights to&#13;
communicate their dramatic intentions. This study was, therefore, designed to examine&#13;
the underlying principles which determined the application and essence of musical&#13;
motifs in the selected dramatic works.&#13;
The Ethnomusicological and Cultural Translation theories were used as the framework,&#13;
while the ethnographic design was adopted. Three plays were purposively selected from&#13;
each of the two playwrights (Ṣóyínká: Kongi’s Harvest, A Dance of the Forests and&#13;
Death and the King’s Horseman), and Ọ̀ ṣọ́ fisan (Moróuntodùn, Women of Òwu and Èṣù&#13;
and the Vagabond Minstrels), based on their full musical motifs contents which portray&#13;
their Yorùbá cultural background. Key informant interviews were conducted with the&#13;
two playwrights, while in-depth interviews were conducted with two theatre directors&#13;
and one choreographer who have directed and participated in either Wọ lé Ṣóyínká’s or&#13;
Fẹ́mi Ọ̀ ṣọ́ fisan’s dramatic works. The Participant Observation method was used to&#13;
collect the 83 music pieces used. Annotated documentation method was utilised for the&#13;
transcription, using the conventional music notation software. Data were subjected to&#13;
content and musicological analyses.&#13;
The inspiration for the musical motifs in the dramatic works of both playwrights&#13;
embodies the subsets of Yorùbá cultural philosophy such as belief system, Ọ mọ lúàbí,&#13;
gender, and politics. Theatre directors used rote methods to teach the musical motifs&#13;
during the productions of the selected dramatic works. They also assigned musicians’&#13;
roles to professionals who can interpret the musical motifs in the selected dramatic&#13;
works. The stylistic features of the musical motifs were drawn from popular music and&#13;
Yoruba traditional music genres. Ọ̀ṣọ́fisan composed music to all his plays, while&#13;
Ṣóyínká often left the song compositions and productions in his works to the creative&#13;
imaginations of the theatre directors. Predominant compositional techniques included&#13;
parody, truncation, elongation, and tonal sequential repetition. The song texts revealed&#13;
that social and sacred narratives are classified into four broad categories: ritual,&#13;
ceremonial, social control, and dirges. The songs are structurally in responsorial,&#13;
strophic, and antiphonal forms.&#13;
The musical motifs in the dramatic works of Wọ lé Ṣóyínká and Fẹ́mi Ọ̀ṣọ́fisan are&#13;
identifiable creative units in their rights. They are used as transitional and incidental&#13;
indices crafted to project the intended mood and the Yoruba cultural values in the&#13;
selected dramatic works. Therefore, African musicology, theatre, film and media studies&#13;
scholarship should give more attention to the interpretation of musical motifs in the&#13;
dramatic works of playwrights in Africa and the diaspora.
</description>
<pubDate>Tue, 01 Jun 2021 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2329</guid>
<dc:date>2021-06-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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