<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<rdf:RDF xmlns="http://purl.org/rss/1.0/" xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/">
<channel rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/49">
<title>Linguistics and African Languages</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/49</link>
<description/>
<items>
<rdf:Seq>
<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2391"/>
<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1951"/>
<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1949"/>
<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1947"/>
</rdf:Seq>
</items>
<dc:date>2026-04-15T14:12:16Z</dc:date>
</channel>
<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2391">
<title>A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF SELECTED YORÙBÁ-ENGLISH BROCA’S APHASICS AT THE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE HOSPITAL, ÌBÀDÀN</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2391</link>
<description>A PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF SELECTED YORÙBÁ-ENGLISH BROCA’S APHASICS AT THE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE HOSPITAL, ÌBÀDÀN
AWÓNÍYÌ, Fó̩ló̩runs̩ó̩ Emmanuel
Bilingual aphasia, an acquired language disorder in which individuals exhibit parallel impairment in the different modalities of speech in two languages, is a major global public health issue. Extant phonological studies on aphasia in Nigeria have focused mainly on the description of segmental and prosodic features of spoken English in bilingual aphasics, with scant attention paid to the description of their sound patterns in local languages. This study was, therefore, designed to examine the phonology of Yoruba-English Broca’s aphasics, with a view to determining their phonological processes and language preference.&#13;
Noam Chomsky and Morris Halle’s Generative Phonology was adopted as the framework, while the descriptive design was used. Twelve Nigerian Yoruba-English Broca’s aphasics were purposively selected from the University College Hospital, Ibadan, based on their availability and suitability. Unstructured interviews were conducted with the aphasics using culture-related drawings that depict different aspects of a typical Nigerian traditional and social life. The data were subjected to phonological analysis. &#13;
The articulation deficits of the participants revolved around substitution, deletion, and insertion. Substitution patterns involve fricative stopping, in which the voiceless alveolar fricative [s] was consistently substituted with the voiceless alveolar plosive [t]. Both segments differ in their manner of articulation features. While [t] is [-continuant], [s] is [+continuant]. Lateralisation of approximant was also common with the substitution of [l] for [r]. The two segments differ in their manner of articulation features. While [r] is [-lateral], [l] is [+lateral]. Backing of alveolar manifested in the substitution of [f] for [s] where a [-labial] replaced a [+labial]. Lowering and backing of vowels were exhibited in the substitution of [i] for [u] or [a], where [i] is [+high] [-back], [u] is [+back], and [a] is [-high]. Deletion of a segment was common with palato-alveolar affricate [ʤ] in word-initial position, #[+del rel]  Ø and alveolar nasal [n] in word medial positions, －[+nasal]－ Ø. Simplification of complex segments manifested mainly in doubly articulated sounds such as [k͡p] and [g͡b]. Insertion was noticeable in Yoruba words which begin with mid-front vowels [e] and [ԑ], where #[+syll] is realised as #[+cons]. The lack of certain segments which are present in English but absent in Yoruba often induced interference in the speech of these bilingual aphasics, even in their pre-morbid stage. Such segments are voiced labiodental fricative [v], voiced alveolar fricative [z], schwa [ə] and cuneiform [ʌ]. In describing the culture-related drawings, the participants showed a preference for the Yoruba language when compared with English. They expressed more enthusiasm as they engaged in diverse conversations using the Yoruba language. &#13;
The speech of the selected Yoruba-English Broca’s aphasics in the University College Hospital, Ibadan is dominated by substitution, deletion, and insertion, and they exhibited a preference for spoken Yoruba instead of English. Caregivers and rehabilitation experts should, therefore, consider the linguistic background of the aphasics in determining treatment protocol.
</description>
<dc:date>2023-12-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1951">
<title>THE POETICS OF POLITICS IN CONTEMPORARY YORÙBÁ WRITTEN POETRY</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1951</link>
<description>THE POETICS OF POLITICS IN CONTEMPORARY YORÙBÁ WRITTEN POETRY
SÀLÁÙ, Fọlárànmí Dáúdà
Poetics of politics, the use of poems to reflect governance in the society, is common&#13;
among Yoruba written poets. These poets use their poetic prowess to showcase their&#13;
political poems. Previous studies on contemporary Yorùbá written poetry have&#13;
concentrated on socio-stylistics and cultural aspects, with little attention paid to the&#13;
political representation of governance and its poetics. This study was, therefore,&#13;
designed to examine the poetics of politics in contemporary Yoruba written poetry,&#13;
with a view to identifying its thematic paradigms, classifications, language and style.&#13;
Ferdinand de Saussure’s Structuralism, complemented by Louis de Bonald’s Mimetic&#13;
Theory, was adopted as the framework. The interpretive design was used. Four&#13;
purposively selected poetry collections that reflect military dictatorship were used.&#13;
These were (Àlọ ń lọ) by Jíboḷ́ á Abíoḍ́ ún (20 poems),(Ìgbà Lonígbàáka) by&#13;
Olúyemis ̣́ íAdéboẉ́ álé(6 poems), (Asọ Igbà) by Dúró Adélékè (11 poems)and (Orin&#13;
Ewúro) byÀtàrí Àjànàkú (16 poems). These poems were subjected to literary analysis.&#13;
Ten political thematic paradigms were identified across the selected poems. They are&#13;
corruption, party politics, bad leadership, political activism, ethnic marginalisation,&#13;
electoral malpractices, cultural relegation, labour insurrection, egalitarian society and&#13;
electoral reformation. The themes of corruption and bad leadership cut across all the&#13;
texts showing that these form the basic preoccupation of the texts.Ìgbà Lonígbàákà&#13;
and Orin Ewúro reflects no interest in electoral reformaton and egalitarian society.&#13;
Ìgbà Lonígbàákàdid not cover ethnic marginalisation and cultural relegation, while Àlọ&#13;
ń lọ have nine out of the ten political themes.Asọ Igbà have eight out of the ten&#13;
paradigms. Ìgbà Lonígbàákà andOrin Ewúro have five and six political themes&#13;
respectively. The poems were classified into three; strictly political, societal and&#13;
general issues. The strictly political poems portray mis-governance, bad leadership,&#13;
electoral reformation and ethnic persecution. Poems on societal issues are written to&#13;
expose or correct governmental inadequacies like corruption and Academic Staff&#13;
Union of Universities’ industrial action. Poems on general issues focus on social&#13;
instability like June 12 political protests, scarcity of petroleum products and political&#13;
thuggery. Stylistic devices were employed to call attention to vital political issues and&#13;
the actors involved. Repetition was used as a dominant stylistic device in all the poems&#13;
to achieve sensitisation. Repetition was used with direct vituperations and rebuke for&#13;
bad leaders to conclude the poems. The poems exhibit the use of historical&#13;
perspectives in highlighting salient points as well as rhetorical questions that pricks the&#13;
mind. These have revealed positive effects in the sociological changes in the Yorùbá&#13;
society&#13;
The selected contemporary Yorùbá written poetry are concerned specifically with&#13;
political issues in the society. Thus, these poems serve as a form of protest to achieve&#13;
desired positive changes in the society.
</description>
<dc:date>2023-05-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1949">
<title>INTERPERSONAL AND TEXTUAL MEANING OF THE LANGUAGE OF YORÙBÁ RIDDLES</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1949</link>
<description>INTERPERSONAL AND TEXTUAL MEANING OF THE LANGUAGE OF YORÙBÁ RIDDLES
SAKA, Idayat Oyenike
Riddle, a form of literary art in which a speaker employs formulaic expressions to test&#13;
someone’s wit on a veiled phenomenon, is deployed in languages (including Yorùbá) to&#13;
express peoples’ experiences about their environment. Previous studies on Yorùbá&#13;
riddles focused mainly on literary classification and stylistic features, with little attention&#13;
paid to interpersonal and textual meaning of the language of Yorùbá riddles. This study&#13;
was, therefore, designed to investigate interpersonal and textual meaning of the language&#13;
of Yorùbá riddles, with a view to describing the riddle type, interaction indices, mood&#13;
types and cohesive devices in the riddles.&#13;
M. A. K. Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar was adopted as the framework, while&#13;
the interpretive design was used. Three texts on Yorùbá riddles- Abío̩ ̩́dún Àjàyí’s Ìtúpalè̩&#13;
Àló̩ Àpamò̩, Adésuà Adéle̩ ̩́ye̩ ’s Àló̩ and Akínye̩ mí Akíntúndé’s Orature and Yorùbá&#13;
Riddles-were purposively selected based on their richness in riddles. Three hundred&#13;
riddles (100 from each text) were randomly sampled. The data were subjected to stylistic&#13;
analysis.&#13;
Two types of riddles were identified, namely derived and non-derived riddles. Derived&#13;
riddles begin with topicalised unit of information, while the non-derived riddles start&#13;
with un-topicalised unit of information. The logico-semantic relationship between the&#13;
riddle’s information units and the experiential participants determines the content&#13;
proposition of both types. Seven interaction indices were deployed: opening-phrase,&#13;
personal names, vocatives, pronouns, tense shift, proponent’s evaluative comments and&#13;
mood types. Opening-phrase ‘Àló̩ o (it is time for riddles); Àlò̩ (let riddles begin) express&#13;
interlocutors’ readiness for riddling. Personal names and vocatives signal a discreet&#13;
identity of riddle objects. Pronouns N/mo(I), a (we) and won (they) reflect the&#13;
proponent’s perception of the relationship between himself and respondents. Mo (I)&#13;
refers to proponent excluding respondents, while a (we) refers to the group, including&#13;
the respondent as participant in the unfolding of events that predicate the riddles’&#13;
propositions. Tense shift between present and past forms, together withhigh tone&#13;
syllables. The clause ó gbà á (You are right) or ó ò gbà á together with kùnńǹ (you are&#13;
wrong) are used by proponent in confirming or rejecting answers to riddles. Declarative&#13;
mood defines proponent as the producer and respondents as the recipient of information.&#13;
Interrogative mood assigns recipient and provider roles to the proponent and respondents&#13;
respectively. Jussive mood defines proponent as the reporter and the respondent as the&#13;
recipient of the information. The established grammatical cohesive devices are&#13;
reference, with exophoric and endophoric possibilities; conjunction sùgbó̩n (but), tún&#13;
(also)and bé̩ e ̀̀ ni (and); verbal ellipsis; and nominal substitution, which conserves the&#13;
truism between riddles and their solutions. Deployment of lexical cohesion is&#13;
prominently preserved through reiterative processes: repetition, synonym, antonym and&#13;
super-ordination typified metonyms and hyponym.&#13;
The interpersonal and textual meaning of the language of Yorùbá riddles express&#13;
interactivity and textual compactness in conveying attributive information about the&#13;
identity of a concealed experience.
</description>
<dc:date>2023-09-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1947">
<title>LEXICAL ELABORATION IN NAIJA</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1947</link>
<description>LEXICAL ELABORATION IN NAIJA
ONWUEGBUZIA, Emeka Felix
Lexical elaboration, a strategy in which new lexical items are developed, is a manifest&#13;
feature of languages, including Naija. Extant linguistic studies on Naija focused mainly&#13;
on the sociological and attitudinal dimensions, with little attention paid to strategies for&#13;
vocabulary expansion. This study was, therefore, designed to investigate lexical&#13;
elaboration in Naija, with a view to describing its lexical features and morphological&#13;
processes.&#13;
Uche Oyali’s model of Language Elaboration was adopted as the framework, while the&#13;
ethnographic design was employed. Edo and Delta States were purposively selected based&#13;
on prominence of usage of Naija. Four cities were conveniently sampled on account of&#13;
being part of the old Bendel State, known for prominent usage of Naija: Benin (Edo) and&#13;
Sapele, Warri, and Ughelli (Delta). Natural speeches were recorded from 19 participants&#13;
(Benin–6, Sapele–6, Ughelli–4, Warri–3). Additional data were sourced from&#13;
NaijaSyncor project, which comprised a spoken (31-hour long recorded speeches from&#13;
321 participants from 10 cities: [Lagos (Lagos State), Onitsha (Anambra State), Ibadan&#13;
(Oyo State), Benin (Edo State), Abuja (Abuja-FCT), Jos (Plateau State), Kaduna (Kaduna&#13;
State), Port-Harcourt (Rivers State) and Kano (Kano State)] and textual corpora. The data&#13;
were subjected to morphological analysis.&#13;
English, Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, Portuguese, Edo, Efik, Urhobo, Kalabari, French, Estako,&#13;
Hindi, Wolof and Batonum are major lexical sources for Naija. Two main lexical features&#13;
were identified: initial non-high prosody and multifunctionality. Initial non-high prosody&#13;
occurs in non-monosyllabic words, while multifunctionality is evident in lexical items&#13;
performing different functions without overt morphological change. Nine morphological&#13;
processes were identified: borrowing/lexification, clipping, blending, affixation,&#13;
reduplication, compounding, conversion, grammaticalisation and acronymisation.&#13;
Lexification results in phonological and semantic changes. Clipping manifests in the&#13;
truncation of the final syllable of the source word but adds an epenthetic vowel if the&#13;
clipped word ends in a closed syllable. Blending selects words from any two lexical&#13;
sourcesː hybrid blends or from one lexical sourceː non-hybrid blends. Twenty-one affixes&#13;
were identified: eighteen suffixes ( [-a], [-e], [-i], [-aly], [-o], [-ed], [-est], [-ful], [-ie], [-&#13;
ing], [-s], [-is], [-ite], [-ito], [-late], [-licious], [-koko] ) and three prefixes ( [dis-], [re-],&#13;
[mis-] ). Twenty of the affixes identified are derivational, one is inflectional. Suffixes&#13;
yield nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs. Prefixes yield verbs. Reduplication operates&#13;
by copying whole or part of a word resulting in intensification or creation of lexical items&#13;
There are two classes of compounds. Class 1 compounds have an initial high, while class&#13;
2 compounds have an initial non-high prosody. Lexical category conversion results in the&#13;
change of word class without any overt morphological change. Words in Naija may&#13;
become grammaticalised, transforming from lexical words to functional words&#13;
grammaticalised (ímPART /ĩ́/ (&lt; ímPro /ím/), mákeAUX /mék/ (&lt; mákeVERB /mék/), tákeAUX /ték/&#13;
(&lt; takeVERB /ték/), conAUX /kɔ̃́/ (&lt; comeVERB / /kɔ̃́m/). Acronymisation manifests in the&#13;
formation of lexical items from acronyms (itk /aǐtǐké/ (&lt; I too know), oyo /ǒwaǐó/ (&lt;on&#13;
your own).&#13;
Lexical elaboration in Naija is driven by morpho-phonological processes which are&#13;
employed to create new words.
</description>
<dc:date>2023-09-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
</rdf:RDF>
